Blog Posts - [Christian Davenport]

Proportionality and Dis-Proportionality in Protest and Police Tactics

5/31/2020

David Armstrong, Thomas Zeitzoff and myself once wrote a paper about how different people perceived the severity of different tactics that could be selected by protestors and police. In this work, we used a survey to identify what were perceived to be proportionate tactics as well as those which were perceived to be disproportionate. The idea was that those which were believed to be comparable in terms of their degree of lethality/severity would not raise much of an eyebrow but those where either the police or protestors used behavior that was deemed to be non-comparable/disproportionate would piss people off - prompting perceptions of illegitimacy on behalf of the disproportionate actor and a willingness to support the actor viewed as being poorly treated.

Marching in the streets being met with pepper spray and tear gas is clearly in the zone of disproportionate response. Looking at the current wave of protests and protest-policing moving across the US we can see all types of combinations of protestor and police action. I provide the chart above to help you better understand what choices are being made by the actors involved as well as how different combinations of protestor and police tactical choices will likely influence subsequent attitudes as well as behavior.

Now, one of the more interesting findings of this paper was that blacks and whites did not perceive the same tactics as being equally lethal/severe. In fact, whites were more willing to give police a pass viewing certain tactics as being less problematic whereas blacks were more willing to give protestors a pass viewing certain tactics as being less problematic. Essentially, this means that what we see taking place out in the streets will not generally be viewed in similar manners across distinct audiences and that our perceptions will likely lead to distinct actions in the aftermath of relevant activities. It's not all bleak however. What is interesting here is that it may be the case that when especially disproportionate activities are undertaken, we might see a convergence of opinion and in these moments we might actually find people coming together. The latter insight was beyond the study mentioned but it definitely seems possible thus providing a little possibility of peaceful engagement amidst the dark cloud of future contention.

Black to the Future, Part 15: 1969 @ 2019, a 50 year Retrospective of the Republic of New Africa

5/10/2019

Series Intro

Almost four years ago, my book about the Republic of New Africa (RNA) came out entitled "How Social Movements Die: Repression and Demobilization of the Republic of New Africa. In the book, I attempted to strike a balance between theory and social science versus simply telling the story of the RNA. Unfortunately, I had to leave a lot of information out of the book and some of the details that were otherwise fascinating were eliminated. In this series, I revisit the archive and present the material 50 years later. Apologies for not being able to continue this piece for a while but life interfered. Enjoy. I will try to work my way backwards from this event as well as forwards.

Following the New Bethel Incident

For several decades researchers (including myself) having been documenting, theorizing and examining the impact of state repression on subsequent mobilization. The findings have been stably mixed. Researchers have found that arrests, detention and killing sponsored by political authorities have provoked fear as well as anger, leading to both lesser and greater amounts of protest. Some work finds no impact at all. Looking for an explanation for the variation? Don't look at the literature. It cannot really help you.

Exploring this topic two years ago, Christopher Sullivan and myself finished an article (entitled "The Rebel Alliance Strikes Back: Understanding the Politics of Backlash Mobilization") where we employed data obtained from the shooting, mass arrest and interrogation of the Republic of New Africa by Detroit Police Department. I discussed this event in earlier blog posts (here as well as here) and of course my book How Social Movements Die.

In this piece, we discovered that existing research had potentially been missing something because of its generally high level of aggregation to the nation-state as well as across groups. By focusing on individual and group-specific dynamics, we identify that there were two distinct impacts of state repression on movement behavior (e.g., meetings and protests) as well as participation (i.e., showing up at meetings and RNA activities).

At the group level, mobilization increased. Committing the raid, arrest and interrogation is estimated to have increased RNA events by 6 events in the week following after NBI took place. The long-term effects of New Bethel are estimated to have increased contentious activity by 8 events.

At the individual level, mobilization was increased as well as decreased. Regarding the former, those in the RNA who were attending the meeting and shot at/arrested/interrogated not only stayed but ramped up their attendance as well as participation. Regarding the latter, those in the RNA who were not in attendance at New Bethel stopped showing up to events and meetings. In addition to this, there was a third group (i.e., those who were not in the RNA before the New Bethel Incident but who joined afterward). This number grows for a bit after New Bethel.

So the mixed findings going back three decades might have actually been accurate. The key to understanding which way mobilization will go involves getting into the target group and following specifically who is in the group. This is the way to go.

Black to the Future, Part 14: 1969 @ 2019, a 50 year Retrospective of the Republic of New Africa

4/14/2019

Series Intro

Almost four years ago, my book about the Republic of New Africa (RNA) came out entitled "How Social Movements Die: Repression and Demobilization of the Republic of New Africa. In the book, I attempted to strike a balance between theory and social science versus simply telling the story of the RNA. Unfortunately, I had to leave a lot of information out of the book and some of the details that were otherwise fascinating were eliminated. In this series, I revisit the archive and present the material 50 years later. Apologies for not being able to continue this piece for a while but life interfered. Enjoy. I will try to work my way backwards from this event as well as forwards.

“A is for Africa”: Social Movements and Framing Resistance in the Republic of New Africa

I am often asked about providing more insights into who the RNA was and why they thought about what they did. Within today's blog I wanted to step back from the chronological account to delve into this a little bit. To do this, I examine a children’s picture book created by a black nationalist organization. In particular, the blog attempts to identify how this movement tried to frame the black struggle as well as mobilize a population to action on the heels of unprecedented legal and political victories as well as one of the most successful framing efforts in history (i.e., that of the civil rights movement). Conducting a detailed analysis of the images and words used within the group’s children’s book (The New Afrikan A, B, C’s), the blog explores the problems identified, solutions offered, constituency addressed as well as tensions contained within the message. As found, while the moment was ripe for black power, the lack of clarity as to exactly what should be done led to an incomplete and unconvincing message.

Core Framing Tasks

At its root social movement framing involves three distinct components (e.g., Benford and Snow 2000). First, there is the part that concerns identifying the problem or grievance – the “diagnostic phase” or “locating blame” in Snow’s language. This deals with identifying what is wrong and what is the issue that is causing so much trouble (e.g., a lack of food, the physical abuse suffered by the police, having no say in local schools and exploitation during work). Under this component, one also finds the identification of a specific community/ constituency: the we, the aggrieved of the claim. Second, there is the part that concerns identifying the solution – the “prognostic phase” or “suggesting action” in Snow’s language. This deals with what is to be done in order to address the problem(s) confronting the community of interest: protest, since, marches, petitions, book clubs, pamphleting, terrorism or revolution. The third part concerns precisely who should be involved with providing the resolution to the problem at hand. This deals with identifying the social movement organization that is or will take action on behalf of the aggrieved, who should be sympathetic to this movement, why people should believe in their abilities as well as why they should join.

The RNA

The Republic of New Africa itself was as fascinating as it was puzzling. Similar to other black nationalists social movements at the time the RNA advocated celebrating African and African American cultures as well as privileging black businesses over others but differing from these organizations they also advocated seceding from the US and establishing a new nation-state in the United States. No clearer statement of their objectives exists than their “Declaration of Independence” (Republic of New Afrika 1968a). By any measure, it was an ambitious statement, broadly summarizing the experiences and aspirations of those engaged in struggle throughout the US. It begins immediately distinguishing itself from the US Declaration of Independence.

We, the Black People in America, in consequence of arriving at a knowledge of ourselves as a people with dignity, long deprived of that knowledge as a consequence of revolting with every decimal of our collective and individual beings against the oppression that for three hundred years has destroyed and broken and warped the bodies and minds and spirits of our people in America, in consequence of our raging desire to be free of this oppression, to destroy this oppression wherever it assaults mankind in the world, and in consequence of our inextinquishable determination to go a different way, to build a new and better society in a new and better world do hereby declare ourselves forever free and independent of the jurisdiction of the United States of America and the obligations which that country’s unilateral decision to make our ancestors and ourselves paper-citizens placed upon us.
We claim no rights from the United States of America other than those rights belonging to human beings anywhere in the world, and these include the right to damages, reparations, due us for the grievous injuries sustained by our ancestors and ourselves by reason of United States lawlessness.
Ours is a revolution against oppression --- our own oppression and that of all people in the world. And it is a revolution for a better life, a better station for mankind, a surer harmony with the forces of life in the universe (Republic of New Africa 1968a).

The core of the effort proposed was a somewhat radical reflection on the Duboisian paradox of African-American double-consciousness. The RNA simply suggested that blacks consider the long historical treatment at the hand of whites, since they were in the country in general as well as since they started to try changing their situation through the civil rights movement in particular. And, viewing this history, the Republic asked them to choose: stay in the US or leave and start the Republic of New Afrika. From the RNA’s perspective, the answer was clear: from the way blacks were treated, whites did not want them in the US. They never had and they never would. In response, they suggested that African-Amerikans should leave and make a better world. By adopting this position, many viewed the RNA as idealists, utopians or distopians – depending upon ones view of the imagined community that would result (a version of afro-socialism). But in certain respects, the RNA was probably one of the more realistic of the many groups that emerged during the period. The RNA’s realism was found in their sober analysis of the situation which emerged from viewing American society not as it should or could be but as they believed it was – segregated, unequal and at times quite violent.

This was a hard message to take for African Americans because it compelled a particular understanding and led to a particular solution. The harshness was slightly muted however by their reminding blacks that in many respects, they were already in the Republic. As they stated in their publication “Now We Have a Nation” (Republic of New Africa 1968b: 4):

Though our people have struggled for 100 years to change the American Nation and become a part of it, we have failed to become a part of it – we still live separately, go to school and church separately, socialize separately, and act and react separately (and differently). And there is no real hope now that we can change America, because white people, who are in the majority, do not really wantAmerica changed. (Emphasis in original).

In a sense, the RNA suggested that blacks simply take a small but necessary step to complete what racism and hatred had already began: create a nation and secede from the US. How did they go about doing this? I address this below.

The New Afrikan A, B, C’s

Of all the types of venues for distributing the message above, why would the Republic of New Afrika create a children’s picture book? Well, frankly the RNA confronted a major marketing problem and they needed to reach as many individuals as possible. As a result, they tended to have a little bit of everything: e.g., a newsletter, discussion groups, mass demonstrations, flyers, posters as well as adult books of both fiction and non-fiction. A children’s book was perfect to add into the mix. It was straightforward in its language. Within it one was allowed to use both text (limited as it was because of the age-group) as well as visualization which was extremely important for the overall message. Indeed, the black nationalist movement was in many respects intricately connected with the black culturalist movement and its various images of black pride (Rhodes 2007): afros, fists, dashikis, drums and various symbols from Africa. These called out for visualization. Additionally, children’s books are very much family affairs involving the ritual of members coming together in the solitude of their own homes in order to read to one another, explore and perhaps even set the seeds of new worlds. If that sacred space could be penetrated, then the RNA could work on building African-American consciousness from the inside out. They thus created their book. The children’s book was found in the archive given to me. Prior to that time, I had not heard of or read about anything like it. Additionally, in my numerous interviews of activists at the time, no one ever mentioned such a thing.

Diagnosis. As conceived, the essence of any social movement diagnosis is detail – laying out the injustice (e.g., Benford and Hunt 1992). The movement must make it clear who did what to whom, why, when and how. At the same time, the social movement organization identifying the problem to be rallied around and mobilized against (i.e., problem identification and the locus of attribution) cannot seemingly overwhelm the recipient of this message with too much detail so as to make it appear that the problem is insurmountable. There is thus a delicate balance that must be maintained.

The RNA was clearly aware of this balance as they begin their book with “A is for Africa, from which our ancestors came” (Figure 1 shown above).

The image is a bold mélange with the top showing four Africans with their arms behind their backs and one white person – a slaver (with rifle under arm), marching them forward to some destination. All stand in front of a ship, which, from the angle, appears to be docked behind them. Immediately below this and taking up the majority of the page are depictions from Africa. Here, there are pharaoh looking individuals at the top – a male as well as a female, likely signifying nobility (literally overlaying the Nile valley where this civilization existed), pyramids lay over East Africa likely signifying intelligence, there is couple to the west looking past one another but in clearly observable African garb (i.e., large earrings and perhaps a series of neck rings) and there are more traditional looking Africans with spears, some sort of hats and bare-breasted. Below Africa to the left, the slave ship is off-shore, communicating that they have left the continent or are about to. A smaller ship, a white sailor and some Africans appear to stand on the beach. It is not exactly clear what they are doing but the ship sitting ominously in the background as well as knowledge about what transpired provides the meaning. Below Africa to the left are a mask and some tools (something that appears on every single page). In case the images are not clear, the following text is provided at the bottom of the page:

The black nation in North America may be said to have begun sometime around 1660. Forty-one years before this, it is believed, the first Afrikans – seized as slaves, perhaps landed as indentured servants – arrived in what was to become the United States. They landed in Virginia. Then, during the next 40 years, ever-increasing numbers of Africans were brought, as captured slaves, into the British colonies of Virginia and Maryland, into the Dutch colony of New Amsterdam, and into the Spanish territory of Florida.

The message itself is thus fairly straightforward: theft and enslavement are the problems. The guilty are identified by image in the pictures and by deed in the text. They are not named or mentioned by race. Indeed, the references to them are somewhat vague (they are known by sight alone). While the victimized, the aggrieved and the potentially mobilized are shown in shackles (i.e., the condition that is in need of repair), the majority of the images are positive. =Indeed, they are depicted as something worthy of attention as well as returning to: Africa. Another interesting element concerns the number of blacks relative to the number of whites that are shown. Although the Africans are in bondage and whites have weapons, there are numerically more Africans in every scene. This appears to communicate that on some level blacks would likely have proven victorious, if they were willing to struggle against the slavers – en masse. Such a theme recurs throughout the children’s book: whites never outnumber blacks.

The themes identified above are broadly consistent with other characterizations in the book. For example, in “J is for Jobs, Justice and Judgement,” four white men in suits are in court charged with racism, unemployment, oppression and brutality. The jury is all composed of blacks (at least 9 shown) and the person seemingly presiding over the court (although they sit below the four whites) is also black. All of this takes place below an image of a series of row houses being built by and presumably for African Amerikans, under the red, black and green flag of the RNA. A little African icon sits to the left. The message: a new nation is being built; one complete with housing, employment and true justice where whites pay for what they have done.

Next up: The Prognosis/Solution.

Black to the Future, Part 13: 1969 @ 2019, a 50 year Retrospective of the Republic of New Africa

4/1/2019

New Bethel Incident at #52; RNA events in blue; Detroit Police Department surveillance of RNA

Series Intro

Almost four years ago, my book about the Republic of New Africa (RNA) came out entitled "How Social Movements Die: Repression and Demobilization of the Republic of New Africa. In the book, I attempted to strike a balance between theory and social science versus simply telling the story of the RNA. Unfortunately, I had to leave a lot of information out of the book and some of the details that were otherwise fascinating were eliminated. In this series, I revisit the archive and present the material 50 years later. Apologies for not being able to continue this piece for a while but life interfered. Enjoy. I will try to work my way backwards from this event as well as forwards.

From Non-Violence to Violence

After New Bethel, the Republic of New Africa in particular and black folks in Detroit as well as throughout the US in general were convinced that there was a campaign to destroy the organization. The evidence always proved to be somewhat lacking for the claim. For example, the RNA was clearly under surveillance. The homes of members were watched as well as the meeting places for organizational functions. Below, you can see the number of attendees for RNA functions as estimated by informants (several thousand events were identified in total). The group was clearly generating attention.

What one does not see from the records, however, is a clear pattern of violent or aggressive police behavior. Now, there were arrests that took place but there was no violent resistance when this happened. The first real encounter that the RNA has with the police is New Bethel. This is very different from other black nationalist organizations such as the Black Panther Party. But there it was at the New Bethel Incident - an unleashing of violence on both sides: first by the RNA and then by the police.

Imari Obadele recalls the latter well in an unpublished memoir:

I remember... being trapped in the basement of New Bethel Church, while Detroit police poured some 800 rounds in an around us.  I did not want to die; I could have listed a hundred things I wished to do and needed to do before I checked out.  But there we were: trapped, finally, in a dark and narrow stretch of the basement, with bullets ricocheting along the stairway above our heads.  We were to die through stupidity, through my failure to check the army, to monitor its procedures and make sure it really was ready to carry out its assigned missions. We were to be killed like rats or wild hogs.  And when at last I stood alone with my face to a darkened corner, my coat thrown over the back of my head by the dainty-minded white policeman whose shotgun, cocked, was pressed at the base of my skull, my last thought was a regret that in this life I would not again see my wife.  But I knew the others were dying well too --- unwilling but uncringing. Well.
            They were dying like Brother James Dawkins, a monumental hero of our struggle, once accused of being in an Underground Army unit that on the night of Martin Luther King’s assassination, trapped and machine gunned two white policemen in a patrol car and then won freedom in a brilliant murder trial conducted by Gaidi and O. Lee Molette.  Dawkins, shot and knocked down during an early barrage, while he was standing on the pulpit, lay there without a cringe as a policeman who recognized him and called his name, emptied his gun at him, striking Dawkins twice more; then, still alive, barely conscious, he spat at his captors, “Go to hell!” as they sat with him in a patrol car outside the hospital, threatening to let him bleed to death if he did not tell them where he and his wife and three little boys now lived.
            They were dying like young Larrie Edwards, married scarcely three weeks, who shot down in front of the pulpit, cursed his tormentors and challenged them to kill him as they dragged and stepped on him and kicked him.  They were dying like my son Imari, Jr., scarcely five weeks past his thirteenth birthday, him in the uniform of the Junior Black Legion and, like the other Legionnaires, using their bodies to calm and shield the women and children while the sudden, 800-rounds of bullets crashed in and around them, as bullet-proof-jacketed white beasts in uniform vented a hatred for us that some of us had never really thought possible --- and, then, with lights on again in the cavernous sanctuary and the unbelieving survivors lined up 150 strong facing the walls, their hands up against the walls over their heads, and the Legionnaires pulled aside and whipped and placed under cocked guns because they were the soldiers but spitting magnificent black defiance --- because they knew how to die well.
            And dying like Brother Abdullah Mohammad who, like Brother Oba, walked between bullets when the unannounced attack on us began, time and gain, to see to the people and that my orders were begin carried out, and Brother Oba, who never left my side because duty said his duty, even unto death, lay in the security of his government’s officials.  Dying well. Brother Ware Bey, walking calmly with me among our people in the black basement corridor where we had been driven and trapped, he and I sharing a bitter curse at ourselves, and a quiet bitter joke at ourselves, because the enemy through our stupidity was going to kill so many at one time whom, from his point of view, most needed to be killed.

And then it was over. The RNA was removed.

Black to the Future, Part 12: 1969 @ 2019, a 50 year Retrospective of the Republic of New Africa

3/31/2019

Series Intro

Almost four years ago, my book about the Republic of New Africa (RNA) came out entitled "How Social Movements Die: Repression and Demobilization of the Republic of New Africa. In the book, I attempted to strike a balance between theory and social science versus simply telling the story of the RNA. Unfortunately, I had to leave a lot of information out of the book and some of the details that were otherwise fascinating were eliminated. In this series, I revisit the archive and present the material 50 years later. Apologies for not being able to continue this piece for a while but life interfered. Enjoy. I will try to work my way backwards from this event as well as forwards.

After the Shooting Stops

The shooting at New Bethel Baptist church only lasts for about 20 minutes or so. At the end, one officer is dead, one officer is injured, four RNA members are injured and the church itself has several hundred bullet holes in it - an investigation later reveals that most of them are coming in (i.e., from the police) with a few going out (i.e., from the RNA). Upon gaining entry Detroit Police Department essentially arrests all individuals in the church. The time is around 1-2am.

All told, 155 individuals were arrested at one time. It is commonly reported that about 140-145 were arrested but I have the police summaries of those in their custody on that evening. The arrested were later brought to a nearby police station, imprisoned and repeatedly interrogated through the next day before most were released.

Part of the reason why New Bethel stands out is the fact that up until that time the RNA had largely been left alone (at least overtly). This event was far from normal for the organization. Indeed, it represents the largest single mass arrest that the group experienced in its history and it followed a shootout that left individuals dead as well as injured. In short, the event was highly traumatizing and clearly signaled the high-risk nature of the claims making effort the RNA was engaged in. Still, while the raid, interrogation, and arrests were more severe than any repression the movement had previously experienced, this coercion did not kill any of the RNA participants. In this sense, it differs greatly from other forms of repression directed at eliminating organizational leaders and activists, such as targeted assassinations or disappearances.

While interrogating members, diverse forms of information were taken (which would prove to be useful for the state):

Last name, first, middle (Christian name)
aliases (free name or nicknames)
address
telephone
automobile
family (members along with name, role/position in family, birthday, address, employment)
associates (e.g., officers, delegates and members of the RNA)
mo specialty (e.g., Minister of Interior, member of Black Legion [Army])
criminal history (i.e., what they were arrested for according to the state, where and when)
business or occupation
birth date
color
height
weight
hair
eyes
information submitted by
date
dpd number
cib number (criminal investigation bureau)
fbi number
other numbers (specify agency)
fpc (got any clue?)
localities frequented
remarks (basically notations from surveillance records about where the individual had been seen, what roles they played, etc.)

The police also attached a photo. In addition to the daily surveillance records, this allowed the government to have a rather extensive understanding of the RNA. For example, one could easily figure out which members of the group under arrest were on the radar of different policing organizations (displayed below). Now, I am not saying that this was done but that it could be.

One also could tell from these records how many members were in attendance (155 people were arrested that evening) as well as which members were in attendance and from what locales. Records indicate members from Tuskeege, Alabama; Crintinden, Arkansas; Hughes, Arkansas; Compton, California; Los Angeles, California; Chicago, Illinois; Lexington, Kentucky; Louisville, Kentucky; Metairie, Louisiana; New Orleans, Louisiana; Boston, Massachusetts; Cambridge, Massachusetts; Brooklyn, New York; Bronx, New York; New York, New York; Jamaica, New York; Columbus, Mississippi; Detroit, Michigan; Ann Arbor, Michigan; Akron, Ohio; Cincinnati, Ohio; Cleveland, Ohio; Dayton, Ohio; Springfield, Ohio; Wilberforce, Ohio; Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania; Memphis, Tennessee; Washington, DC. Now, not all members in Detroit at the time were arrested. Several members of the New York chapter escaped once they heard about what happened at New Bethel. We know this because an informant was in their midst who later provided information about what those with them had been doing.

Black to the Future, Part 11: 1969 @ 2019, a 50 year Retrospective of the Republic of New Africa

3/29/2019

RNA press conference following New Bethel Incident

Series Intro

Almost four years ago, my book about the Republic of New Africa (RNA) came out entitled "How Social Movements Die: Repression and Demobilization of the Republic of New Africa. In the book, I attempted to strike a balance between theory and social science versus simply telling the story of the RNA. Unfortunately, I had to leave a lot of information out of the book and some of the details that were otherwise fascinating were eliminated. In this series, I revisit the archive and present the material 50 years later. Apologies for not being able to continue this piece for a while but life interfered. Enjoy. I will try to work my way backwards from this event as well as forwards.

The Second National Legislative Convention and the New Bethel Incident

50 years ago a group of several hundred black nationalists from around the United States came together in order to assess what they had done when they created the Republic of New Africa (the RNA). Confronted with an America that seemed to not only hinder black success and integration but which seemed to be actively engaged in a campaign to systematically constrain or potentially destroy them, the RNA had decided to conduct a census of the black population in order to ask what they wanted to do regarding their citizenship, politically secede from the United States, acquire 5 states in the deep south (in the "Black Belt") to develop a new nation, acquire reparations for the move as well as development, and obtain recognition for the new government. This was to be the Second National Legislative convention and two different types of people could attend: 1) Duly elected representatives (i.e., persons that attended the founding convention, elected representatives from consulates which did not have ten signers of the Declaration and individuals in cities/areas/college campuses where there were ten or fewer citizens) and 2) observers (i.e., regular folk who were interested). At this event, the RNA was expecting to deliberate and pass laws as well as construct hearings on diverse topics.

While this sounds kind of out there, it really wasn't and this was acknowledged by the RNA. Indeed, there had been numerous efforts in this direction: e.g., Edward P. McCabe in the latter part of the 1800s as well as Oscar Brown and Bindley Cyrus in the early 1900s with their National Movement for the Establishment of a Forty-Ninth State and Nation of Islam.

The convention began (at about 8;30pm on March 28th at the C.B. Club) with an overview of the Ocean Hill Brownsville project where the RNA had been quite active in trying to get this community to secede. Almost a dozen RNA citizens from Brooklyn were in attendance and they each spoke about what was going on there - i.e., prep for plebiscite, discussion about morale in the community, etc. Ocean Hill had been controversial because it represented something of an opportunistic pivot for the RNA: it was not in the deep south (their primary target) and there was no consulate or concentrated RNA presence (the nearest consulate was in Manhattan and they did not appear to solidly support the effort - feeling rolled by the central leadership in general and Minister Imari Obadele in particular). I'll discuss this more in another blogpost.

Following this discussion, the meeting was broken down into different ministries for more specific discussions and the meeting ended at around 2am. While the official meeting ended, smaller groups would continue into the next morning discussing talking points and plans of action for the next day.

Continuing on Saturday (March 29th), the meeting picked up where it left off. Feeling the tension around the effort, Obadele put forward the reasons for the RNA continuing in Brooklyn. He stated that Ocean Hill Brownsville was precisely what the RNA was talking about. The community there (engaged in a heated discussion of local/community control regarding education as well as other socio-political services) was ripe for secession and the global media was present for the discussion. This was the group's Selma. Herman Ferguson continued this discussion noting that the Freedom Corps had been tasked with assisting the effort and that everyone from receptionists to nurses to writers were needed to create a new political entity. Virginia Collins then asked a host of questions regarding the effort - what it meant, how it could be helped and so forth. This convention closed at around 8pm so that members could attend a rally held at New Bethel Baptist church (Aretha Franklin's father's church) at 10pm.

Following the rally (around 11:30pm), there was an altercation between Detroit police department and RNA security forces generally referred to as "the New Bethel Incident". At its conclusion, one police officer was left dead, another officer as well as 4 RNA members were injured, New Bethel Baptist church was shot up as well as raided by at least 50 police officers from diverse precincts, and approximately 150 people were arrested/interrogated (several of the events are depicted in the illustration below).

Next: the aftermath of the New Bethel Incident

Black to the Future, Part 10: 1968 @ 2018, a 50 year Retrospective of the Republic of New Africa

5/20/2018

Series Intro

Almost two years ago, my book about the Republic of New Africa (RNA) came out entitled "How Social Movements Die: Repression and Demobilization of the Republic of New Africa. In the book, I attempted to strike a balance between theory and social science versus simply telling the story of the RNA. Unfortunately, I had to leave a lot of information out of the book and some of the details that were otherwise fascinating were eliminated. In this series, I revisit the archive and present the material 50 years later. Enjoy.

Toward the 1st Legislative Assembly

Immediately the RNA moved to create local chapters called "consulates" under the leadership of bond chairmen who would lead the effort to fund the new nation through the issuing of bonds. Each city that wanted to start a consulate was told to set them up quickly in late April. As directed, the following guidelines were provided:

there should be a roll call and active participation should be limited to delegates who attended the Detroit Convention, however, names of other persons who have a commitment to separation and truly wish to help should be taken and these people should be encouraged to come to Chicago, where, I am sure, we will certainly vote to admit some of these persons to the National Council;
the national government will receive its revenue like any other government -- through taxes, bonds, notes, and gifts -- however, the Caucus should agree on dues for its own members to finance the operations and programs of the Caucus.

The group was even more detailed telling folks what to do in the first few meetings:

Roll Call
Explanation of Caucus and Guidelines by Caucus Chairman
Organization of Caucus
- Election of Vice Chairman, First and Second Secretaries, Treasurer and Financial Security
- Setting of Regular Meeting Date, Hour and Place
Report on "Certificates"
Plans for First Public Program by Caucus (Rally, Culture Show, ttc. before May 30, if possible, to sell certificates, raise funds, inform public)
Proposal for Chicago Session of National Council
Organization of Travel to Chicago (Renting Bus, Car Pool, etc.)

The police were all over the RNA:

This type of form is clear. The police identified who was attending different types of meetings, where it was, what they talked about - in order.

Black to the Future, Part 9: 1968 @ 2018, a 50 year Retrospective of the Republic of New Africa

5/9/2018

Series Intro

Almost two years ago, my book about the Republic of New Africa (RNA) came out entitled "How Social Movements Die: Repression and Demobilization of the Republic of New Africa. Who and what is the RNA? Well, I'll get to that later in a blog or two. In the book, I attempted to strike a balance between acknowledging the theoretical insights that guided my reflection about what I had collected versus simply telling the story of the RNA. It was a hard needle to thread. For rigorous social scientists, there were no tests of the claims that were made. Instead, I used a detailed reading/writing of the case to flesh out what I thought was going on and I was doing plenty of testing in another book and series of articles co-authored with Chris Sullivan so I did not feel that I needed to address some of the things that hinder reading rigorous work. There was also the issue of what to do about the case. Were the dynamics I was seeing specific to African Americans and/or the US or were they generalizable? Would someone in/out of political science and sociology feel comfortable arguing about conflict dynamics in another place/time based on a disaggregated group and individual analysis of some black folk? Not clear yet. I'm not optimistic for political science but I hope that I am wrong. Sociology has had less of a problem in this regard.

For those who just wanted the story though, there was this theory stuff to wade through and for some reason skipping some chapters did not seem to feel right for them. In my new series, I will then revisit the story of the RNA from the beginning - diving into the archives that underlie the project as well as simply telling the compelling story of who did what to whom and why. Enjoy.

Education

A major part of the Republic of New Africa's objective was to improve African American awareness of the problems confronting them. As with most things, this was thoroughly gone over and drafted out.

The key for the RNA was to create a particular type of African American - one that was aware, complete dedication to their people, aware of their history, truthful and a willingness to engage in revolution.

To get there, the RNA wanted to start from the beginning (African civilization) and to work forward from there. This effort was advanced in order to dispel the myths of African and African American inferiority as well as to provide some foundation for engaging in a confrontation for liberation and freedom. As a result, the RNA tried to inspire African Americans by reminding them of their heritage, bringing to the forefront their awareness of those against them as well as connecting them to the broader African American community and simultaneously tried to cultivate a good citizen/member. They had a unique formulas that they explicitly presented in different documents:

Politics = Unity of People and Common Purpose
Liberation = Struggle + Separation + Nation Building
Nationhood = Common culture + Common Land + Common government
Power = People + Land + Politics (Nation)

To this they added:

A strong mind in a strong body creates a strong citizen, a strong family, a strong community and a strong nation

We must devote all our time and energies towards the total destruction of all our enemies who would deny to us the right of self-determination

The instructions to RNA teachers were clear:

The reading list was extensive:

Black to the Future, Part 8: 1968 @ 2018, a 50 year Retrospective of the Republic of New Africa

5/5/2018

Series Intro

Almost two years ago, my book about the Republic of New Africa (RNA) came out entitled "How Social Movements Die: Repression and Demobilization of the Republic of New Africa. Who and what is the RNA? Well, I'll get to that later in a blog or two. In the book, I attempted to strike a balance between acknowledging the theoretical insights that guided my reflection about what I had collected versus simply telling the story of the RNA. It was a hard needle to thread. For rigorous social scientists, there were no tests of the claims that were made. Instead, I used a detailed reading/writing of the case to flesh out what I thought was going on and I was doing plenty of testing in another book and series of articles co-authored with Chris Sullivan so I did not feel that I needed to address some of the things that hinder reading rigorous work. There was also the issue of what to do about the case. Were the dynamics I was seeing specific to African Americans and/or the US or were they generalizable? Would someone in/out of political science and sociology feel comfortable arguing about conflict dynamics in another place/time based on a disaggregated group and individual analysis of some black folk? Not clear yet. I'm not optimistic for political science but I hope that I am wrong. Sociology has had less of a problem in this regard.

For those who just wanted the story though, there was this theory stuff to wade through and for some reason skipping some chapters did not seem to feel right for them. In my new series, I will then revisit the story of the RNA from the beginning - diving into the archives that underlie the project as well as simply telling the compelling story of who did what to whom and why. Enjoy.

A Month into the Movement

The Republic of New Africa was trying to do what had not been attempted before. To do this, the came up with the following:

Essentially, the RNA resolved to pay for the revolution themselves - at least in the short term. They knew that reparations was a long shot. They knew that other nations and organizations were likely to keep their distance. Accordingly, the organization tried to set a path to go it one their own.

Interestingly, the RNA began to reveal themselves to be quite legally-minded and detailed. Indeed, you would think that lawyers pervaded the institution in addition to holding the vice presidency.

Black to the Future, Part 7: 1968 @ 2018, a 50 year Retrospective of the Republic of New Africa

4/11/2018

50 years ago a group of African Americans declared themselves sovereign and established their government - the Republic of New Africa or RNA. The group had numerous objectives, they engaged in a wide variety of tactics toward that end, the group involved hundreds of black nationalists from around the US, there were some wins but there were important losses. The US government (with 14 different organizations) was quickly up and running to try and identify as well as counter whatever the group put forward. At the time of the anniversary, I'm drawing on my book How Social Movements Die as well as the extensive archive that was partially employed within the book to retell the story as it unfolded.

As conceived, the RNA was not interested in carving out a little bit of the US for black folk. Rather, they were interested in a more fundamental shift in terms of governance and governing structure (a form of participatory, democratic-socialism with a strong dose of bureaucracy). They also articulated a different vision for what New Afrikans could be. We will address the later in another blog.

Note: the quality of a few of the pages is poor but a cleaner version is available here. Part of my effort here is to highlight the documents that are contained in my archive but I also want the information to be clear.