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[Christian Davenport]

My 30-Year Professorversary: The Move to Colorado

12/14/2022

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I have now been a professor for 30 years.  Hard to believe.  I am often asked about my path through the profession and I finally got around to writing some of it down.  I think I might have forgotten a job interview or two (likely the ones I got rejected from) but I managed to remember a great deal.  

Over the next year, I will go through what I was thinking as well as what noteworthy events happened along the way.  The original inspiration for this came from one of my students. I thank you for putting me on the path.
 

The University of Colorado - Boulder, 1996-1999

Sooooo​, I had been at the University of Houston for three years.  It was an interesting experience.  It was my first job, I had never visited let alone lived in Texas or the South (although I think that Texas is an entity onto itself and has nothing to do with Alabama, etc.).  In many ways, I had carved out a decent life.  

I managed to get some work done and learn how to be in the profession from Raymond Duch and James Gibson. These two took me under the wings, shared grant proposals, showed me unpublished manuscripts and looked at numerous drafts of things I had put together.  They were rough but always fair all the while providing incredible food and conversation. I had connected with the Department of African American studies to reconnect with black folks which had been largely absent during my time in graduate school.  This was a useful experience because it provided access to black students who were not easily found in political science and it also provide some resources for work I was trying to do with Darren Davis (who was just finishing up as a graduate student there at the time).  As we were basically just finishing at the same time, we bonded in a great number of ways but I was just starting and Darren was just finishing so we wee not always able to hang as we would later.  I was working with some people at this amazing institution - The Shape Community Center run by Deloyd Parker, a political leader and inspiring human being.  Deloyd let me teach a class on Political Education which led to my first board game - The Hood.  I ended up scrapping broader conversations of politics, power and struggle to work with the students on better understanding what they saw on the way to the Cultural Center. I would later use this game in diverse detention centers. At this time, I would run across Rick Lowe - entrepreneur, artist and convener.  I also reached out and interacted with some folks at Texas Southern (which was just up the block) and Prairie View (which was a little further away).  The latter began my exploration into black nationalism and the Republic of New Africa through the late/great Imari Obadele, which I will discuss another time in greater detail.

While things progressed professionally, I felt a bit isolated.  In Houston I was hired to teach international relations which was interesting to do as the Soviet Union was collapsing.  I was trained in this topic coming from a bunch of people from the Correlates of War Project as well as the group of sociologists including Immanuel Wallerstein and Jame Petras.  While interesting, I wanted more substantive interaction on my chosen topic: political conflict and violence.  There was no one at Houston that really had this interest in this subject (Gibson came closest having done some stuff on civil liberties restriction but he was not a hardcore conflict/violence person).  In this context, I began to look for "my people".

Initially, I re-explored an opportunity at Washington University.  I had almost gone there two years before (as discussed in my last post) but I just could not get around some of the racial dynamics.  Approached a second time - directly by the great John Sprague (who I regretfully cannot find any web page for) - I thought about it one more time.  On this interview though, I was able to do what you rarely are able to do.  I met what would have been me.  I forget his name now but in the time since my interview Washington University ended up hiring their first African American in political science.  We immediately bonded and in what I still view as a strange request he invited me to meet him at something like 6 or 7 o'clock in the morning because he said that he wanted to show me something.  I suppose I was really curious what the hell he would want to show me that early, so I said yes.  At the appointed time, we went to this stairwell as the sun was just rising.  I had done weirder stuff in New York growing up and the brother seemed cool, so I was alright.  He directed me to look out of the window at the parking lot and, as in some movie. during a 15-20 minute period you saw all the black workers who had been cleaning walk out and all of the white secretarial staff come in.  Over some coffee, he then preceded to tell me what his (and my other life) would have been like with the sense of awkwardness and outsiderness.  He also mentioned something that had not even occurred to me: every black institution in St. Louis had approached him to speak and affiliate.  This was draining and he felt he had to say yes. In the wake of this burden, his scholarship suffered. 

I ended up not accepting the offer but as Sprague had some familiarity with conflict and violence I did get a taste of what I would like to be around someone with knowledge in my topic of interest (John's sophistication led me to Ron Francisco and others like Phil Schrodt who were more advanced on the modeling end of conflict/violence).  This opportunity happened when I was contacted by the equally great Mark Lichbach.  Mark was something of a conflict/violence savant - he read everything and his ability to synthesize was exceptional.  He was also from Brooklyn and jewish, so we immediately bonded in a way that only folks from the East coast might understand.  Mark's pitch was simple: we have your people.  Upon exploring the department and (for the first time) the university writ large, I realized that (as usual) he was right.  At the time, UC - Boulder had him (protest/repression and civil war), Mike Ward (interstate and civil war, geography), Steve Chan (war), James Scarritt (ethnic conflict), Ann Contain (social movements), Jeffrey Kopstein (worker's resistance and reconciliation), Sam Fitch (civil-military relations) and William Safran (ethnicity).  There were also people that did different kinds of conflict/violence outside of political science: Joy James (black oppression and resistance), Evelyn Hu-Dehart (diasporas and resistance) as well as the late/great Elisa Facio (social movements, feminism, chicana identity).  I took the offer and moved to Denver - well Golden actually.  Boulder was way to expensive and not as diverse as Denver.  Golden let you overlook the whole valley though and there was a road along the mountains that provided a direct route to Boulder.  

Now, it turned out that while the people just mentioned above all were employed by the same university, they did not see themselves as people who studied political conflict and violence.  I will save that realization and experience for another time.  I'll stop here for now.
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The U.S. & Africa Need to Dialog About Violence This Week - both Within as well as Between, but it Ain't Gonna Happen Because That's Way Too Real

12/12/2022

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After years and years of violence, there appears to be a global reckoning with its aftermath.  We saw this in the various truth commissions throughout the world (e.g., South Africa, Chile and Nepal).  Such a phenomenon has even come to the United States as everyone from the the city of Tulsa and Georgetown University to the state of California and Congress are trying to figure out what to do about prior violent behavior.  But, yoooooooo - it's complex and this leads me to be very skeptical.  Nothing reveals this than the upcoming U.S. Africa Leaders Summit.

The dilemma for me seems straightforward. You want to give people voice but you don't want to offend folks.  You want to hold people accountable but you want to facilitate dialog as well as action.  The complexity and skepticism for me was first seen in President Bill Clinton's effort at Racial Reconciliation in the 1990s. It started out well.  They wanted to 

1. Promote a constructive national dialogue to confront and work through challenging issues that surround race;
2. Increase the Nation’s understanding of our recent history of race relations;
3. Bridge racial divides by encouraging leaders . . . to develop and implement innovative approaches to calming racial tensions;
4. Identify, develop, and implement solutions to problems in areas in which race has a substantial impact
What could go wrong, right?  Well, as the late-great Charles Tilly used to say: The Devil is in the Details.  In Denver, the Clinton crew came to town to promote that constructive dialog.  I was at the University of Colorado Boulder at the time, so I grabbed a chair and watched the show.  The panel was composed of some that traveled from place to place as well as some local notables - I suppose to lend some legitimacy to the whole affair and to get some historical accuracy.  Things never got that deep though.  There was a presentation from the panel (everyone just getting a few minutes) and then I recall them opening up to the floor to hear what they had to say.  I don't recall them issuing a time limit up front but after the first or second soulful, detailed statement regarding the person's experience with racism, the panel limited folks to about 1-2 minutes. Watching an 80 year old black man try to condense his experiences into this time frame was simply heart-wrenching and there were 20 others behind him waiting for their turn.  The panel and Clinton clearly had no idea of what they were opening up and this is one of the reasons that whole event and initiative kind of fell apart.  There was so much that was left unsaid.

​This is what I fear about the Leaders Summit.  The objectives are again bold.  According to the webpage, the convening is intended to 


build on our shared values to better:
  • Foster new economic engagement
  • Advance peace, security, and good governance
  • Reinforce commitment to democracy, human rights, and civil society
  • Work collaboratively to strengthen regional and global health security
  • Promote food security
  • Respond to the climate crisis
  • Amplify diaspora ties
  • Promote education and youth leadership

This is nice but I am caught with the second and the third.  I can't get past them.  Many of the leaders coming to this event have been systematically undermining peace, security, good governance, democracy, human rights and civil society.  I'll just take one: President Paul Kagame.  

This is an individual who invaded a sovereign nation from another. We rarely now talk about the human rights situation in Rwanda prior to 1989 (before the invasion) but the situation was not dire.  Looking at the Amnesty International report for 1990 which compiled information from the year before one can see that things weren't great a few thousand people were stuck in prison and trying to get out but the level of violence was not what it would be after the invasion begins.  

After consolidating power after the interstate turned civil war (after pushing into the country from abroad and setting up shop) and genocide, Rwanda moved into what could best be described as a military occupation for a while.  There were road blocks and checks and curfews and solidiers everywhere.  This makes complete sense to me, of course.  The winners the Rwandan Patriotic Front had just won a war.  Interestingly, there is a moment  somewhere between 1995-2000 where a vibrant civil society was coming alive.  At this time, there were newspapers and human rights group and civil rights groups all compiling as well as putting out amazing pieces of information about what was taking and what should take place.  Beginning in 2003/4 (around the 10th anniversary of the 1994 violence) however this vibrancy was being restricted and eliminated.  Slowly Rwanda turned into something that looked more like an authoritarian, repressive nation than a democratic, peaceful one.  

And, it bears mentioning that the Rwanda governments behavior has not been limited to Rwanda itself.  It has reached into nearby Congo, South Africa and with the case of Paul Rusesabagina - the hero of Hotel Rwanda - it has even reached to the United States.  
Freedom House, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and selective academics (e.g., Judi Fever's In Praise of Blood and Michela Wrong's Do Not Disturb) document this thoroughly.   Rusesabagina is especially problematic for Kagame and the Summit because Rusesabagina appears to be one of the best examples of democracy left within the country.  There might not be any viable political parties to challenge the existing one but there is Rusesabagina.  There may not be any free media but there is Rusesabagina.  For democracy to be said to exist, there must be someone outside of the ruling group that has a political opinion and can express it freely.  Thus for Kagame to have a legitimate seat at the table, it seems reasonable for him to be asked about releasing Rusesabagina - this politically and peaceful oriented being - from prison.

But before you get all "that sounds pretty straightforward" on me, I would add that this whole event is complicated by the fact that you have the United States of America hosting and potentially guiding the conversation.  After reading Martin Meredith's The Fortunes of Africa (especially chapter 66; yes, 66!) regarding the re-colonialization of Africa after independence), The Looting Machine by Tom Burgis, The United States of War by David Vine as well as political science databases on coups, leadership changes and external influence on Africa, it is clear that the United States has not often played a positive role in Africa - to say the least.  And here is where the global reckoning needs to occur because I would argue that before the United States can try to provide criticism and advice to leaders like Kagame, they must provide the details on how they have contributed to the problems that they need to comment on: failed democracy and successful authoritarianism, increased repression and reduced positive peace.  Perhaps in this spirit, folks at the Summit as well as abroad might be more able to hear as well as act upon the suggestions put forward.  

But, yes another but, don't get all "I'm sure it will all work out" because in order for all this to happen we will need to see a Vice President that we have not yet seen: one ready to take a major stand on an issue that might piss off a bunch of people.  Indeed, the optics of telling a bunch of black people that they need to do something and mores that they are the reason that things are messed up in the first place is a hard one to imagine for any politician - especially for one that is trying to find their feet politically.  Being a black person telling other black people might take away some of the sting but that only goes so far.  The "moment" that we are in is a complex one when it comes to communication.


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    Analog - The Anti-Blog

    By "Analog" I am referring to the adjective (i.e., relating to or using signals or information represented by a continuously variable physical quantity such as spatial position or voltage) and not the noun (i.e., a person or thing seen as comparable to another) for I wished to give voice to my thoughts which have come to me in a more or less continuous manner but which do so in a way that is not consistent in content or form. Thus you will see short stories, brief thoughts, haikus, low-kus and even a political cartoon or two. 

    Winner of Best Blog Post for 2014 by International Studies Association

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