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[Christian Davenport]

Blocks in the Road - Tales of Rwanda, Part 1 (Reposting for Rwanda@30; originally posted on 3/23/2013)

4/10/2024

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Rwanda@30.  To commemorate the end of the internationalized civil war and genocide, I will be posting a great deal of material on this site.
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Between 1999-2004 I traveled around Rwanda doing research. Many things happened on my trips and it is only now that I start to share them.


In my junior year of college, I was driving back to Worcester, Massachusetts from New York City with my oldest friend – Wycuie Bouknight.  Wycuie is a tall, thin, dark-skinned and occasionally chatty prince of the city that I have known since fifth grade.  We had ended up at the same undergraduate institution by accident and after trying to live with other people, we ended up as roommates.  After some holiday, we decided to drive back up to school – late in the evening.  The ride up was a combination of jokes, music, reflections, worries, insights and aspirations.  

At one seemingly deserted rest stop, we pulled up, went to the bathroom and then began to pull away.  Upon doing so, I realized that I had forgotten something in the bathroom.  When we turned around to go back, we were surrounded on all sides by three different police cars.  After turning all the lights in the parking lot on us and pulling out their weapons, the officers approached the car; the blood quickly left my body.  Although they approached us on both sides, I was glad that Wycuie was driving for he would get all the questions – or, at least, that was what I thought.

One cop came to my side, aggressively tapped the window for me to lower it and began to ask questions: “where are you going?”

“Back to school,” I replied.

“What school?”

“Clark University in Worcester, Massachusetts.”

“Do you have id?”

I waited because I thought they were talking to Wycuie.  He repeated his request while walking even closer to the car.  Scared to death, I gave him my id.

“What is your name?” He asked.

I never understood this.  He has the id, why is he asking the freaking question?  “Christian Davenport,” I said, barely squeezing it out.

Another car arrived and two more officers came out.

“When were you born,” he continued.

My mind was blank.  I couldn’t remember my birth day.  Then after a long pause, “June.  In June.”  I stammered.  Then after another long pause, I blurtered out, “I’m a Gemini.”  

At this, the police officers and Wycuie laughed in an almost uncontrollable fashion.  The guns were put away, the officers left and we pulled off – never to stop or speak for the rest of the trip.  We would speak of the incident later, especially repeating the comical break at the end, but the seriousness of that moment caught us both – one second, one mistake, one twitch – we were shot, it was just that simple.  

I thought of this incident hitting my first roadblock in Rwanda.  Many of the elements were the same: men with guns, attitude, a road that could not be passed, uncertainty, fear.  Several elements were different: I did not speak the language, the guns were not handguns but machine guns, guns were not being pointed at anyone – they were just being carried in a casual fashion, the number of cops involved in the process was seemingly endless: there were the two in the middle of the road, there were the six conducting searches of stopped vehicles, there were the ten sitting on the side of the road for back up and there were another five or six taking a wiz on a tree.

This was perhaps the only time I did not mind my Mizungu status.  Slow down, the driver would either know someone at the block, say something to him that would convince him that we were safe or show him papers.  The guard would look in and either pull us to one side or wave us through.  We were easy to spot. We currently had one person in a seat and we were spread out in the automobile.  This differentiated us from the other cars that had five to six persons per seat as well as a few more holding on the outside.

The guards faces were indifferent, cold, unmoving and ready for action.  The faces on that road in Worcester had been more varied.  All were white but some were relaxed – enjoying the test of wills and the seriousness of the action.  Some were angry – waiting for someone to start so that they could finish.  Some were pleasant (rarely) – doing their job with a degree of professionalism, never acknowledging that the “Driving While Black” Christian and Wycuie takedown was the reason we had been stopped.  

In contrast, I got nothing from the Rwandan faces.  Clearly, however, the difference were there.  Other cars, busses and vans that were stopped had their doors immediately opened, individuals were trotted out and searched on the roadside.  

I was told these were standard “security measures.”  

“What are they looking for,” I asked.  

“Weapons,” I was told – matterfactly. “People that aren’t supposed to be where they are not supposed to be.”

“Who is that?”

To this, I hit that wall around which you could never pass in Rwanda.  “So wide, you can’t get around it; so low, you can’t get under it; so high, you can’t get over it.”  There is a place beyond which one cannot pass.  There are questions that cannot be asked.  There are places where one could not go.  

Of course, things would not stay the same.  On each trip to Rwanda, the roadblocks would be fewer. The guns would be less numerous.  The guards less apparent from everyday life.  These would normally be good signs – signals of an opening, a reduction (like the Surge in Iraq).  But, what did they signal here?  Something different?  Something darker?  

My take was the latter.  One reason why you pull back security and reduce road stops is because there was nobody left to fear.  Once the enemies of the government go abroad, get shot, go to jail or hide, there is nobody left to stop.  With no one left to fear, the road opens.  You were now partially free to move about the country – albeit slowly.  

Now, a trip up to Worcester was a different matter, a different story.  There are plenty of people left to stop in the states.
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Divestment, State Violence and the Effective Way Forward

4/5/2024

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I just came from a protest yesterday on the Diag at the University of Michigan.  
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I was both inspired and a little dejected at what I saw. There was 100+ students rallying around the idea that the new university policy regarding disruptive activity was restrictive, if not repressive.  They suggested that they would not be deterred from their path of action: having the university divest from Israel. Why this course of action?  Well, the speakers seemed interested in removing the perceived complicity with the violent behavior being enacted by the Israeli government.  They did not want wolverine nation associated with genocide.

Now, I was pleased by the rally because as a human rights scholar and concerned human being, I believe that all violence and especially state violence should be resisted in any way, shape or form possible that will be effective. I was a little dejected, however, as a social movement scholar and concerned human being because it is not at all clear that divestment actually reduces human rights, violations, and state-sponsored genocide. Perhaps the most famous case of divestment in an effort to stop state sponsored behavior is South Africa, but in this context the repressive behavior of interest was not genocide and divestment did not reduce state sponsor violence.  By most accounts, the divestment effort placed a light on the topic but all it seemed to do regarding the violence was shift the manner in which the South African government and the economic actors functioned. In a sense, divestment created an even more difficult repressive regime in the sense that it prompted the South African government to be even less reliant and more independent upon actors that were otherwise able to exert some kind of influence on them.  I am concerned about the divestment discussion because like symbolic representation, people seem more interested in how things looked and how people felt than on the substance of how to stop state-sponsored violence.  

And on this topic, I feel compelled to revisit my last book - The Death and Life of State Repression: Understanding Onset, Escalation, Termination and Recurrence.  This piece was explicitly interested in the idea of stopping state-sponsored violence and this is what is going on.  I think that the use of the word/concept "war" (like in the case of "civil war" in the United States of America) is impending our ability to understand what is going on and what should be done.  The creation of the relevant territories is a complex and detailed one but how can we consider war which is to be fought between nation-states when one of the states lacks the one thing that is supposed to define one: i.e., the legitimate control over coercion and force?  One could of course consider the diverse forms of war put forward by the Correlates of War Project:
  • Non-State Wars: Between or among non-state entities.
  • Intra-State Wars: Predominantly take place within the recognized territory of a state.
  • Inter-State Wars: Occur between or among recognized states.
  • Extra-State Wars: Between one or more states and a non-state entity outside the borders of the state.
But I believe that they all fail to capture the situation.  

One could consider "civil war" but this implies an open form of contestation between two sides that are conceptually and practically able to engage in comparable levels of violence. Think of what Sambanis' piece "What is Civil War?" discusses:

  • (a) The war takes place within the territory of a state that is a member of the international system with a population of 500,000 or greater.
  • (b) The parties are politically and militarily organized, and they have publicly stated political objectives.
  • (c) The government (through its military or militias) must be a principal combatant. If there is no functioning government, then the party representing the government internationally and/or claiming the state domestically must be involved as a combatant.
  • (d) The main insurgent organization(s) must be locally represented and must recruit locally. Additional external involvement and recruitment need not imply that the war is not intrastate.  Insurgent groups may operate from neighboring countries, but they must also have some territorial control (bases) in the civil war country and/or the rebels must reside in the civil war country.
  • (e) The start year of the war is the first year that the conflict causes at least 500 to 1,000 deaths.  If the conflict has not caused 500 deaths or more in the first year, the war is coded as having started in that year only if cumulative deaths in the next 3 years reach 1,000.
  • (f) Throughout its duration, the conflict must be characterized by sustained violence, at least at the minor or intermediate level. There should be no 3-year period during which the conflict causes fewer than 500 deaths.
  • (g) Throughout the war, the weaker party must be able to mount effective resistance. Effective resistance is measured by at least 100 deaths inflicted on the stronger party. A substantial number of these deaths must occur in the first year of thewar.41 But if the violence becomes effectively one-sided, even if the aggregate effective-resistance threshold of 100 deaths has already been met, the civil war must be coded as having ended, and a politicide or other form of one-sided violence must be coded as having started.
  • (h) A peace treaty that produces at least 6 months of peace marks an end to the war.
  • (i) A decisive military victory by the rebels that produces a new regime should mark the end of the war. Because civil war is understood as an armed conflict against the government, continuing armed conflict against a new government implies a new civil war. If the government wins the war, a period of peace longer than 6 months must persist before we code a new war (see also criterion k).
This does not appear to fit what is taking place either.  

​Why does classification of what is taking place matter?  Well, if we do know what we are dealing with, then we cannot stop it.  And in this context, I would suggest that what we are seeing in Israel is an instance of state repression; large-scale state repression (which includes not only genocide but also crimes against humanity and atrocities).  This is typically defined as state behavior enacted against someone under the territorial control of the political authority for the purposes of influencing the behavior and/or thought of the target and/or some audience.  I would argue that this is what we are seeing.  

​It is important to make this classification because stopping the behavior of interest becomes one of understanding and then perturbing the following model: 
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As I have summarized elsewhere in my book as well as the article ""Stopping State Repression", once we focus on an ongoing instance of state-sponsored violence (i.e., a spell), there are very few policies/actions that can stop it.  From existing work, it's not naming and shaming.  It's not military intervention.  It's not economic sanctions.  It's not getting governments to sign documents.  It's not even eliminating the perceived behavioral challenger.  And, it's definitely not divestment - at least not from the research on this topic that I am familiar with and that's going on 30 years worth of attention to the topic.  Over this time, I have not seen a single empirical investigation of this topic.  What is involved with termination of an ongoing campaign is the removal of the existing political cohort that supported the implementation of repressive behavior.  

And in this context I was wondering why the students were so passionately talking about something that had no empirical basis/support for its impact on the behavior of interest.  As I stood there I wondered if symbolic effort had replaced substantive.  Perhaps it was just about people feeling better about themselves and doing what they felt was the right thing to do.  As I stood there I thought about the ease of doing what seemed effective as opposed to the difficulty of doing what might be actually effective.  Perhaps once the repertoire of what students feel they could do has been established, it is incredibly difficult to change that.  
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    Analog - The Anti-Blog

    By "Analog" I am referring to the adjective (i.e., relating to or using signals or information represented by a continuously variable physical quantity such as spatial position or voltage) and not the noun (i.e., a person or thing seen as comparable to another) for I wished to give voice to my thoughts which have come to me in a more or less continuous manner but which do so in a way that is not consistent in content or form. Thus you will see short stories, brief thoughts, haikus, low-kus and even a political cartoon or two. 

    Winner of Best Blog Post for 2014 by International Studies Association

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