Indian Untouchability in Gujarat
(With Martin Macwan, David Armstrong & Allan Stam)
Introduction
Untouchability (an ancient form of discrimination based upon caste) is an extremely sensitive issue within India. It is, at once,
Indeed, it is almost impossible to experience or even think about India without some aspect of untouchability being involved – so infused is it into the very essence of the country.
Untouchability is also an extremely important issue outside of India. Not only does the practice put the country in violation of a wide variety of international laws and norms of acceptable behavior but, given the growing importance of the Indian state in the world, it also tends to undermine the political, moral and legal credibility of the country – as the world’s largest political democracy and one of the most important economies in existence.
At the same time that untouchability is central to India, however, it is a topic that is and is not addressed all the time.
For example, at all levels of government (from State assembly to the Parliament) political “reservations” were introduced in order to assist Dalits (Scheduled castes) as an equalizing measure to ensure that deep-rooted caste discrimination could be eliminated – in proportion to their population. At the time of introducing electoral reservation, however, it was stated in the Parliament that this system of redress should not be required after 10 years since it was expected that by that time the desired social equality would have been achieved. Today, nearly six decades after the introduction of the electoral reservations, all political parties still deny the existence of untouchability and other forms of caste discrimination but, routinely (every 10 years or so), they accept and vote for continuation of electoral reservation for the Scheduled caste.
Religious institutions publicly deny the existence of untouchability practices but continue segregation within their places of religious worship according to touchable and untouchable caste status of individuals. Neither Christianity, Islam nor Sikhism (in their institutional forms on Indian soil) are exceptions to these trends and, in fact, they are in no way different than Hinduism although the intensity may differ.
Finally, the judiciary of India is not expected to either publicly accept or deny the existence of untouchability practices. Unless and until such activities are manifested through a criminal offence or a Public Interest Litigation is filed, the judicial system is not expected to address the issue at all. Indeed, during six long decades of Indian national independence one would hardly find a suo moto action on the part of the judicial institution that has inquired into the status of untouchability. The law is equipped to handle a crime but not the prejudices associated with it.
The webpage here represents a collaborative research effort that extends back to 2007/8. Within this work, we engaged in an evaluation of approximately 1589 villages, involving 98,000 individuals.
- lived by all who live there – as victims and challengers (approximately 170 million Dalits and four percent of the world’s population) and as beneficiaries, perpetrators, bystanders and witnesses (approximately 830 million non-Dalits);
- justified by the most important texts of Hinduism (e.g., the Vedas and Manusmruti);
- banned within some of the most important legislation in India (respectively, the Indian Constitution and Atrocity Act of 1989); and,
- viewed as one of the most divisive issues in the country’s history, bringing into conflict two of the most important political leaders that India has seen – Mohandes K. Gandhi and Dr. Baba Saheb Bhim Rhao Ambekdar.
Indeed, it is almost impossible to experience or even think about India without some aspect of untouchability being involved – so infused is it into the very essence of the country.
Untouchability is also an extremely important issue outside of India. Not only does the practice put the country in violation of a wide variety of international laws and norms of acceptable behavior but, given the growing importance of the Indian state in the world, it also tends to undermine the political, moral and legal credibility of the country – as the world’s largest political democracy and one of the most important economies in existence.
At the same time that untouchability is central to India, however, it is a topic that is and is not addressed all the time.
For example, at all levels of government (from State assembly to the Parliament) political “reservations” were introduced in order to assist Dalits (Scheduled castes) as an equalizing measure to ensure that deep-rooted caste discrimination could be eliminated – in proportion to their population. At the time of introducing electoral reservation, however, it was stated in the Parliament that this system of redress should not be required after 10 years since it was expected that by that time the desired social equality would have been achieved. Today, nearly six decades after the introduction of the electoral reservations, all political parties still deny the existence of untouchability and other forms of caste discrimination but, routinely (every 10 years or so), they accept and vote for continuation of electoral reservation for the Scheduled caste.
Religious institutions publicly deny the existence of untouchability practices but continue segregation within their places of religious worship according to touchable and untouchable caste status of individuals. Neither Christianity, Islam nor Sikhism (in their institutional forms on Indian soil) are exceptions to these trends and, in fact, they are in no way different than Hinduism although the intensity may differ.
Finally, the judiciary of India is not expected to either publicly accept or deny the existence of untouchability practices. Unless and until such activities are manifested through a criminal offence or a Public Interest Litigation is filed, the judicial system is not expected to address the issue at all. Indeed, during six long decades of Indian national independence one would hardly find a suo moto action on the part of the judicial institution that has inquired into the status of untouchability. The law is equipped to handle a crime but not the prejudices associated with it.
The webpage here represents a collaborative research effort that extends back to 2007/8. Within this work, we engaged in an evaluation of approximately 1589 villages, involving 98,000 individuals.
Background
Exactly how bad is untouchability within India?
In line with the discussion above, we do not really know the answer to this question. Although banned by the constitution there was initially no definition and/or measurement provided. Accordingly there could be no assessment or attempt to address abuses. Later, some definition, measures and monitoring bodies were provided within the Atrocity Act of 1989 but attention was only given to the most egregious, most violent, offences – atrocities (i.e., violent actions directed against Dalit such as beating or rape). If one looks elsewhere, however, it is possible to find a wider variety of practices. For example, within religious texts activities such as the Vedas as well as Manusmirti are mentioned and within principally anthropological research one can identify a diverse number or activities that are associated with untouchability. An even greater number of practices are found within the Dalit community itself (e.g., in its homes, tea houses, literature and music). These identify activities and conditions which as violent as well as non-violent, extending into politics, economics, religion and the smallest aspects of everyday life (i.e., eating, walking, talking and dressing).
Unfortunately, this broader conception of untouchability is never included within popular discussion of the topic or within periodic evaluations that are undertaken by those responsible for monitoring such behavior. This is problematic because the financial and human resources required to undertake the type of research effort necessary to address the issue is extensive and thus popular discussion as well as political will are essential for engaging in the relevant identification/monitoring. Equally as tragic, to date, there has been no rigorous examination of untouchability undertaken in a way that would compel the respect and attention of those interested in as well as sympathetic to the plight of those suffering from the ancient practice. The implications of this are significant. Because of the lack of information, there is systematic underestimation of Indian untouchability within modern life, the perpetuation of a wide variety of abuses is allowed to continue with impunity, there is a generally lack of awareness as well as sensitivity to the pervasiveness of the problem and, following from this, there is a limited political will to address as well as change the situation.
Toward an Answer
In this context, Navsarjan (established in December 1989 in the state of Gujarat) undertook its work primarily aimed at addressing the question of caste discrimination in multiple forms, the most visible being the caste based violence against Dalits, the atrocities. The organization also began to compile information on other discriminatory activities: e.g., segregation of housing colonies, drinking water wells, places of religious worships, burial grounds or separate sitting arrangement of children in the state sponsored mid-day meal in schools by touchable and untouchable caste status. Of course, this was not a new revelation for Navsarjan, that such activities existed. It has been historical normal way of social life. What was new was the effort to systematically put together this information for general awareness, legal redress and psychological healing.
There is often skepticism about identifying, revealing and discussing information such as this, but Navsarjan’s experience taught them that broader understanding of the issue might result in more appropriate strategies to address the issue. Indeed, from interacting with numerous people at various levels, in different parts of the world, Navsarjan realized two potentially large areas of hope. First, there was a large section within Indian society across castes that was ignorant about the realities of untouchability but seemed ready to learn about it. This was the group of young people and children who were not under the influence of rigid caste system because of various factors such as education, urbanization and exposure to a larger worldview. Second, there was a group of people across caste, nationality and religious affiliations that were deeply concerned about prevalence of untouchability practices viewed from the perspective of human rights. This was the group of activists, advocates, funders, lawyers, students, academics, politicians and ordinary citizens that came to have an awareness of civil and human rights law.
While the initial efforts at data collection were useful for shedding light on certain aspects of untouchability, however, what was lacking was the broader picture which could serve both as a mechanism of awareness/change within public opinion as well as a mechanism to bind the State for an urgent action. Navsarjan felt the importance of such a study was three-fold:
Within the report, we present the results of a multi-year research effort into 1660 villages which yielded 98,000 individuals and 5462 forms in Gujarat. This study was undertaken between 2005 and 2008, involving members of Navsarjan Trust, researchers from The Kroc Institute at the University of Notre Dame, Dartmouth College, University of Michigan and human rights advocates from the Robert F. Kennedy Center for Social Justice (formerly known as the Robert F. Kennedy Memorial). As the need for awareness and understanding about this topic is so great across a wide variety of audiences, we have attempted to make the language in the core of the report as direct/straightforward as possible. At the same time, acknowledging that diverse communities have different interests, we have developed numerous ways of reading the report to address specific topics that may be of interest to one audience but not another. Consequently, the report can be read in a variety of different ways.
Report Outline
Chapter 1 – Executive Summary
Chapter 2 – Introduction
Chapter 3 – Conceiving Untouchability: Study Construction
Chapter 4a – “Into the Field”: Study Execution
Chapter 4b – “Back from the Field”: Study Analysis
Chapter 5 – Findings
A: General
B: By type of untouchability practice
C: Best/Worst Practices
D: Best/Worst Perpetrators
Chapter 6 – The Survey Instrument
Chapter 7 – The Listing of Villages
Chapter 8 – Problems Encountered and Resolved by the Study
Chapter 9 – Developing an Index for Untouchability
Chapter 10 – The Validity of the Study
A: Assessing the Villages Selected vs. Villages not Selected
B: Assessing Gujarat vs. the Rest of India
C: Assessing Gender Effects between Villages and Households
D: Assessing Age Effects between Villages and Households
E: Assessing Subcaste Effects between Villages and Households
Chapter 11 – Selected Cases of Untouchability
Chapter 12 – How do Social Scientists work with Social Movement Organizations?
Chapter 13 – Other Studies of Untouchability
Chapter 14 – Importance of the Study for
Academics
A: Anthropology
B: Economics
C: History
D: Measurement and Statistics
E: Political Science
F: Psychology
G: Sociology
H: Anti-discrimation advocates
I: Dalit anti-discrimination advocates
J: Journalists
K: Law/Legal Scholars
L: Youth
Chapter 15 – Next Steps for Navsarjan
In line with the discussion above, we do not really know the answer to this question. Although banned by the constitution there was initially no definition and/or measurement provided. Accordingly there could be no assessment or attempt to address abuses. Later, some definition, measures and monitoring bodies were provided within the Atrocity Act of 1989 but attention was only given to the most egregious, most violent, offences – atrocities (i.e., violent actions directed against Dalit such as beating or rape). If one looks elsewhere, however, it is possible to find a wider variety of practices. For example, within religious texts activities such as the Vedas as well as Manusmirti are mentioned and within principally anthropological research one can identify a diverse number or activities that are associated with untouchability. An even greater number of practices are found within the Dalit community itself (e.g., in its homes, tea houses, literature and music). These identify activities and conditions which as violent as well as non-violent, extending into politics, economics, religion and the smallest aspects of everyday life (i.e., eating, walking, talking and dressing).
Unfortunately, this broader conception of untouchability is never included within popular discussion of the topic or within periodic evaluations that are undertaken by those responsible for monitoring such behavior. This is problematic because the financial and human resources required to undertake the type of research effort necessary to address the issue is extensive and thus popular discussion as well as political will are essential for engaging in the relevant identification/monitoring. Equally as tragic, to date, there has been no rigorous examination of untouchability undertaken in a way that would compel the respect and attention of those interested in as well as sympathetic to the plight of those suffering from the ancient practice. The implications of this are significant. Because of the lack of information, there is systematic underestimation of Indian untouchability within modern life, the perpetuation of a wide variety of abuses is allowed to continue with impunity, there is a generally lack of awareness as well as sensitivity to the pervasiveness of the problem and, following from this, there is a limited political will to address as well as change the situation.
Toward an Answer
In this context, Navsarjan (established in December 1989 in the state of Gujarat) undertook its work primarily aimed at addressing the question of caste discrimination in multiple forms, the most visible being the caste based violence against Dalits, the atrocities. The organization also began to compile information on other discriminatory activities: e.g., segregation of housing colonies, drinking water wells, places of religious worships, burial grounds or separate sitting arrangement of children in the state sponsored mid-day meal in schools by touchable and untouchable caste status. Of course, this was not a new revelation for Navsarjan, that such activities existed. It has been historical normal way of social life. What was new was the effort to systematically put together this information for general awareness, legal redress and psychological healing.
There is often skepticism about identifying, revealing and discussing information such as this, but Navsarjan’s experience taught them that broader understanding of the issue might result in more appropriate strategies to address the issue. Indeed, from interacting with numerous people at various levels, in different parts of the world, Navsarjan realized two potentially large areas of hope. First, there was a large section within Indian society across castes that was ignorant about the realities of untouchability but seemed ready to learn about it. This was the group of young people and children who were not under the influence of rigid caste system because of various factors such as education, urbanization and exposure to a larger worldview. Second, there was a group of people across caste, nationality and religious affiliations that were deeply concerned about prevalence of untouchability practices viewed from the perspective of human rights. This was the group of activists, advocates, funders, lawyers, students, academics, politicians and ordinary citizens that came to have an awareness of civil and human rights law.
While the initial efforts at data collection were useful for shedding light on certain aspects of untouchability, however, what was lacking was the broader picture which could serve both as a mechanism of awareness/change within public opinion as well as a mechanism to bind the State for an urgent action. Navsarjan felt the importance of such a study was three-fold:
- To present to the society a broader and current picture of untouchability practices against the belief that untouchability was limited to remote and economically underdeveloped corners of India;
- To present a broader and current picture of untouchability to Indian society so that it can be used to learn about what exists and begin a national debate on how to fix the problem.
- To present a broader and current picture of the untouchability practices to the world in order to bring about visibility on the question of human right violation of Dalits as well as assist other countries with both identifying, understanding as well as eliminating discriminatory activity in their countries as well.
Within the report, we present the results of a multi-year research effort into 1660 villages which yielded 98,000 individuals and 5462 forms in Gujarat. This study was undertaken between 2005 and 2008, involving members of Navsarjan Trust, researchers from The Kroc Institute at the University of Notre Dame, Dartmouth College, University of Michigan and human rights advocates from the Robert F. Kennedy Center for Social Justice (formerly known as the Robert F. Kennedy Memorial). As the need for awareness and understanding about this topic is so great across a wide variety of audiences, we have attempted to make the language in the core of the report as direct/straightforward as possible. At the same time, acknowledging that diverse communities have different interests, we have developed numerous ways of reading the report to address specific topics that may be of interest to one audience but not another. Consequently, the report can be read in a variety of different ways.
Report Outline
Chapter 1 – Executive Summary
Chapter 2 – Introduction
Chapter 3 – Conceiving Untouchability: Study Construction
Chapter 4a – “Into the Field”: Study Execution
Chapter 4b – “Back from the Field”: Study Analysis
Chapter 5 – Findings
A: General
B: By type of untouchability practice
C: Best/Worst Practices
D: Best/Worst Perpetrators
Chapter 6 – The Survey Instrument
Chapter 7 – The Listing of Villages
Chapter 8 – Problems Encountered and Resolved by the Study
Chapter 9 – Developing an Index for Untouchability
Chapter 10 – The Validity of the Study
A: Assessing the Villages Selected vs. Villages not Selected
B: Assessing Gujarat vs. the Rest of India
C: Assessing Gender Effects between Villages and Households
D: Assessing Age Effects between Villages and Households
E: Assessing Subcaste Effects between Villages and Households
Chapter 11 – Selected Cases of Untouchability
Chapter 12 – How do Social Scientists work with Social Movement Organizations?
Chapter 13 – Other Studies of Untouchability
Chapter 14 – Importance of the Study for
Academics
A: Anthropology
B: Economics
C: History
D: Measurement and Statistics
E: Political Science
F: Psychology
G: Sociology
H: Anti-discrimation advocates
I: Dalit anti-discrimination advocates
J: Journalists
K: Law/Legal Scholars
L: Youth
Chapter 15 – Next Steps for Navsarjan
The Understanding Untouchability Report
untouchability_report_final_complete_1.pdf | |
File Size: | 3521 kb |
File Type: |
The List of Untouchability Practices
untouchability_practices_list.jpg | |
File Size: | 404 kb |
File Type: | jpg |
Census Form
untouchability_final_form.pdf | |
File Size: | 115 kb |
File Type: |
Examples of Practices
Water: Separate water pot for Panchayat members
Caste-Based Occupations: Manual Scavenging
The profession of manual disposal of human excreta.
Public/ Private Discrimination: Drinking water supply [1]
Practices/ Social Sanctions: Participating in Navratri garba
Touch: Accidental Body Touch
9-yr-old-Dalit blinded in Dhandhuka
[1] See Navsarjan Trust & other v. State of Gujarat & others, Special Civil Application No. 5895 of 1998: in the High Court of Gujarat at Ahmedabad, Jul. 23, 1998.
- People know that practicing untouchability is illegal, but that means they have only become more cautious. Before, the panchayat would keep a separate water pot for Dalits, but now they just eliminate all water pots. Everyone carries their own water pot. This way the panchayat is not seen as practicing untouchability, but still there is no mixing of water pots - A census enumerator
Caste-Based Occupations: Manual Scavenging
The profession of manual disposal of human excreta.
- …[A] middle aged woman carrying a drum full of night soil and a broom in her hand, she covers her face with her sari, to ward off the stench.
- When asked as to what she is carrying, disgusted and angry with herself she answers – Hell... It is obvious that to belong to a lower caste, almost the last rung of the social order and be forced to do something as demeaning as picking up head loads of human night soil is one of the world’s worst cruelties of man versus man…[T]here exist villages in Gujarat and for that matter in the country where human beings have to clean or pickup human excreta with what appear to be prehistoric tools. Besides that, they are also denied proper water facilities because of the caste they belong…Are we not human? They ask…
- A young teenage girl breaks down, her eyes swimming with hopelessness and afraid of what the future hold for her, End less days of picking up excreta. And, it is obvious from these images, the upper caste do whatever they were to do wherever - Leaving it for these people to pick it up. They obviously do not even do it properly, so that it may be easier for these poor people to clean it in a respectable way. [This] shows an arrogance of the upper classes who take it for granted that it is the job of the lower caste to clean, “so what does it matter, we do give them some left over food at the end of the day - don't we?” In the process, after a lot of strong denial from authorities, and the intervention of a concerned group, about what is termed as Mathe Melu, one sees that the faces or portraits of these crushed people who lie in Gandhiji's Gujarat and where there is a ban on many practices, they continue to live as they do…Their faces are distorted, cracked, dry weather beaten, agonized - helpless - [Excerpted from Esther David, Bearing the Burden of Indignity, The Indian Express (May 13, 1998)]
Public/ Private Discrimination: Drinking water supply [1]
- [T]he Patels of the Devalia (Chakkargadh) Village of Amreli cut off the main pipeline supplying water to the Vankarvas of the same village at about 12.00 midnight. The Vankarvas is a ghetto outside the main village where only Dalits are residing. .[...] [B]y cutting the main pipeline supplying water to the Vankarvas, the Patels diverted the water to their respective houses in the village to ensure additional supply of water to themselves and more particularly ensuring that there is no water supply in the Vankarvas. […] Hence…, there was no water supply in the Vankarvas and they started approaching different possible sources of water. The Dalits enquired with the Valve man of the Water Supply and Sewerage Board on …, who informed them that the main pipe supplying water to the Vankarvas was cut and the water was diverted to the house of the Patels by smaller pipes. He also told that he will report the matter to his higher authorities in the Board. The local residents of Vankarvas, therefore, hoped that the authorities will look into the matter and restore the water supply.
- However, since the water supply was not restored even after waiting for two days, […], three boys from the Vankarvas took empty cans to fill water in a riksha (chhagda). When they reached the Swaminarayan Temple while passing through the village, the President of Shiv Shakti Yuvak Mandal…and three others accosted them and questioned them as to where they were going. When told that they were going to fetch water, he along with others attacked them. They also said that “You Dedhas deserve this treatment”. The driver of the riksha was also beaten up and forced to return to Vankarvas without water - [Excerpted from a civil complaint filed with the High Court of Gujarat, Ahmedabad]
Practices/ Social Sanctions: Participating in Navratri garba
- The complainant along with her daughter, Jayshreeben, and few other relatives had gone to watch the annual Navratri celebrations. Jayshreeben also took part in the garba organised. There she was accosted by the accused who threatened her and her companions with dire consequences for daring to participate in the garba that was organised by the Patels. They were injured in the attack because of which the husband of the complainant filed a complaint in the police station. Angered by this, the accused came to the house of the complainant and threatened to rape Jayshreeben in public. Later, when Jayshreeben had gone to fetch water from the public well she was threatened by the accused, who passed vulgar comments against her and again threatened to rape her in public. The victim, Jayshreeben, was subjected to such harassment on a number of occasions making her life miserable. Ultimately unable to bear with the mental torture she was forced to commit suicide by immolation [setting herself on fire]. Initially the police refused to register a complaint but on persistence the police ordered the complainant to sign on a blank FIR and later filled it up with minor offences - [Excerpted from a case report on file with Navsarjan]
Touch: Accidental Body Touch
9-yr-old-Dalit blinded in Dhandhuka
- “I have happened to touch the paan ka galla (the counter at the bakery) that day and he paanwalla (the baker/shopkeeper) threw chuno (lime paste) on my face and it went into my eye. I cried and ran home and was taken to the dispensary. I have not been able to see from my left eye since.”
- For nine-year-old Sanjay Dangia, belonging to the Bhangi community of Vejalka village in Dhandhuka, watching television became a nightmare…when the local paanwalla, where he watched TV daily, threw lime into his left eye, blinding him perhaps for life - Sanjay's offence: he had “dared to touch the galla and thus defile it.”
- [The shopkeeper] was arrested the following day but was released on bail after some eight days while Sanjay’s father, Ramjibhai who is an agricultural labourer and his grandfather, have been running from pillar to post consulting doctors to restore his sight.
- “Whether Sanjay will ever be able to see again is a big question since the eye is full of pus” […] Sanjay shakes his head when asked if he can see and turns completely to look to his left and show the swollen eye - [Excerpted from Staff Reporter, 9-yr-old-Dalit blinded in Dhandhuka, The Times of India (Jun. 16, 1998).]
[1] See Navsarjan Trust & other v. State of Gujarat & others, Special Civil Application No. 5895 of 1998: in the High Court of Gujarat at Ahmedabad, Jul. 23, 1998.
Pictures of Practices
Our research always tried to discover different ways of communicating with diverse audiences about the topic of untouchability. One of those efforts involved the development of illustrations. These are provided below.
Examples of Untouchability Index
The index reveals a significant amount of variation in untouchability practices across space. Below we show a few of the locales. The scale goes from low (dark blue) to high (yellow).
Drawn Map of Indian Villages
In each village we became increasingly interested in exactly where everything and everyone was. As part of our effort, we began to have individuals draw the local area of interest. Unfortunately, we did not do this for every single locale. We provide one of the examples below. Others will be posted as found.
map_pachham_village.pdf | |
File Size: | 506 kb |
File Type: |
Board Game Images and Rules
In an effort to facilitate understanding of what untouchability was and how it functioned Christian began to create a boardgame about the topic. This was as far as he got. The image below identifies the board. The rules and some of the pieces are provided in the file.
untouchability_-_board_game_rules_1.pdf | |
File Size: | 1356 kb |
File Type: |
Photos (by [Christian Davenport])
Photos (by Allan Stam)
Map Contextualizing Gujarat in India
Map of Gujarat
Subdivision Maps
Advice given to Christian about what he should avoid while in India
- stay away from cold foods
- don't eat anything too oily (often the oil is bad)
- don't eat anything too spicy (usually causes diarrhea)
- no salad
- no cold sauces (usually made from water)
- when going to a restaurant ask specifically for mineral water and make sure they open it in front of you
- drink a lot of tea (helps digest the oils)
- when getting a cab see if you can find out how much locals pay
- when bargaining start at half of the given price
Data
Send me an email